Farmaaja's modus operandi is based solely on the use of three conscious (or possibly subconscious) mental processes: aggression, coercion and propaganda. These were the bread and butter of the late dictator Siyad Barre's regime which Mr. Farmaajo very much identifies with. Up to the point he was overthrown, the late dictator had the Bureau of Propaganda (Hoggaanka Borobogaandada XHKS). XHKS is the Somali language short form of the then so-called socialist revolutionary party.
Farmaajo has a propaganda minister by the name Dubbe who has a catchy moniker, Durbaan, and an interesting narrative behind it. Durbaan is the Somali word for a musical instrument, especially one made from a skin stretched over the end of a hollow tube or bowl, played by hitting with the hand or a stick. The story behind it goes like this: Farmaajo beats the drum and supporters dance to the beat of the drums, sound of the drums being hit.
On a more serious point, we, in this campaign, started to warn off the Somali people and our International Partners about the impending peril of a new Farmaajo-installed dictatorship in February last year. Here's a quote from our first article on the subject: "Having recently installed an ally as president of Galmudug State by fiat, President Farmaajo has now begun his fourth year in power which, many believe, portends a possible undoing of the FGS itself and the tenuous peace that currently prevails in the country."1 Tragically, this is what is happening now.
It had been a hard struggle for the brave, peace and freedom-loving Somali people, but we could now see a glimmer of light at the end of the tunnel. Principally, this light comes from two sources: Somali leaders and Somalia's International Partners.
The principals among the first group include the brave leaders of Puntland and Jubbaland, Presidents Said Abdullaahi Deni and Ahmed Mohamed Islam 'Madoobe'. Together, they would brave Farmaajo and all his CBBs (Farmaaja's social media operatives identified by the moniker Cayayaanka Baraha Bulshada - the vermin of the social media). They also include the political opposition across the country and in the diaspora, but mainly in Mogadishu, notably the Council of Presidential Candidates Union, other Presidential Candidates, opposition MPs, as well as opposition groups outside parliament. Civil society groups; religious leaders; traditional leaders; women's groups; and youth groups also deserve our special thanks for all their efforts.
The second source of the light comes from Somalia's International Partners. These are the African Union (AU), the European Union (EU); the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) and the United Nations (UN) together with twenty countries who are dear friends of Somalia, and whose good offices on the ground in Mogadishu have stood with the Somali people over the years not only to avoid the return of civil war but to deliver multilateral objectives in a truly challenging environment.
Farmaaja's latest attempt to dim this light from our International Partners comes in the form of a crude letter addressed to the President of the United Nations Security Council in which he demanded 'respect for Somalia's sovereignty, territorial integrity, unity and political independence'.
It's classic Farmaajo modus operandi (see above) - attempting to question the purpose and legitimacy of our International Partners who have now come to realize that the biggest source of risk to peace-making in Somalia comes from Farmaajo whose term has already expired on 8th February 2021.
A belated fight back is now gathering pace. There has been a recent steady stream of 'joint press statements' by International Partners urging leaders to resolve differences and make necessary compromises to ensure elections are held without further delay so that the country can move forward. Essentially, these calls all fell on deaf ears as far as Farmaajo was concerned.
The latest statement (dated 10th April 2021) comes from the African Union (AU), the European Union (EU); the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) and the United Nations (UN) who convened a meeting 'in light of the gravity of the ongoing political stalemate in Somalia over the holding of delayed elections, and the continuing impasse in dialogue'. They called upon Somali political leaders '... to deliver today on the vital interests of the Somali people for peaceful, free, fair, and credible elections.' Will this again fall on deaf ears by Farmaajo and his team?
Only time will tell! But we, in this campaign, appeal to Somalia's International Partners to redouble their efforts and prevent the country from relapsing into civil war by standing up to Farmaajo who is the biggest source of risk to peace in Somalia today.
Farmaajo represents what spoilers represented to UN Operation in Somalia II (UNOSOM II) in 1994 whose results, at least by those of us who remember, were catastrophic. The casualties of that failed peace were infinitely higher than the casualties of war. When Jonas Savimbi refused to accept the outcome of United Nations (UN)-monitored elections in 1992 and plunged Angola back into civil war, approximately 300,000 people died. When Hutu extremists in Rwanda rejected the Arusha Peace Accords in 1994 and launched a genocide, over 800,000 Rwandans died in less than three months. We all need to recall these events very quickly and refocus our efforts to arrest Somalia's slide back into civil war right here and right now.
Stay tuned for my next article which will shed a light on Farmaaja's spurious, and frankly substandard, argument about 'Somalia's sovereignty, territorial integrity, unity and political independence'.
1. See 'PRESIDENT FARMAAJO'S DICTATORIAL TENDENCIES ARE A CAUSE FOR WIDESPREAD POLITICAL GRIEVANCES CAPABLE OF UNRAVELLING THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT OF SOMALIA' by Dr. Aweys Omar Mohamoud [here].