Following the illegal extension at the Lower House of Parliament on 12 April 2021, this campaign called for the creation of a national resistance movement in the diaspora to complement the gathering clouds of internal resistance and external pressure against Farmaaja's power grab.
The creation of a new nonviolent national resistance against the recently installed Farmaajo dictatorship to complement the gathering internal resistance forces and external pressure1 is in order. The objective of this nonviolent action will be to undermine the dictatorship, while winning over the general population, with the end goal of removing it from power.
Farmaaja's modus operandi is based solely on the use of three conscious (or possibly subconscious) mental processes: aggression, coercion and propaganda. These were the bread and butter of the late dictator Siyad Barre's regime which Mr. Farmaajo very much identifies with.
There have been two transitions of power which have passed off in relative peace in Somalia since 2012. What is different this time is that we have Farmaajo, an unprincipled and savage spoiler seeking total power through the barrel of a gun. The vicious attack in the pre-recorded video by the loud-mouthed and uncouth propaganda minister on the heroic stand taken by the leaders of Puntland and Jubbaland (Presidents Said Abdullahi Deni and Ahmed Mohamed Islam 'Madoobe') yesterday represents Farmaaja's hard, roguish character.
The 'incumbent takeover' of the FGS by Mr Farmaajo has been described as a 'coup d'état' and the start of a new dictatorship, in the hands of the late dictator's nephew. The essence of the coup d'état has remained unchanged since the mid-twentieth century. It is a special form of politics that requires guns as an aid to persuasion. Farmaaja's 'power seizure' at the end of his term, whatever we might call it, will (if successful) mutate into a violent personal rule, not unlike the deposed regime of his uncle! Just remember what happened at Hotel Maa'ida in Mogadishu after midnight, 19 February 2021.
I was recently interviewed by the Italian news agency, agenzianova.com about the political crisis in our country. Nova published excerpts from the interview which you can see here.
The 'incumbent takeover' of the FGS by Mr Farmaajo has been described as a 'coup d'état' and the start of a new dictatorship, in the hands of the late dictator's nephew. The essence of the coup d'état has remained unchanged since the mid-twentieth century.
We, in this campaign, welcome the agreement reached last night between the FGS and the Council of Presidential Candidates Union to postpone today's planned protest after the government apologized for its actions during last week's protest.
Welcome to part 1 of excerpts taken from a verbatim transcription of President Said Abdullahi Deni's enlightening speech on Sunday evening, 21st February 2021, in which he warned about the real threat of Farmaaja-installed new dictatorship in Somalia. The speech was delivered at the Puntland Development and Research Centre (PDRC) in Garowe where pundits, government officials, and members of civil society had gathered to hear Mr. Deni speak.
We, in this campaign, strongly condemn last night's armed assault on Hotel Maai'da where opposition leaders were staying by forces loyal to the lapsed Farmaajo regime. The aim of this armed assault was to eliminate the main opposition figures, including former Presidents Sharif Sh. Ahmed and Hassan Sh. Mohamud, and former Speaker of Parliament Sharif Hassan Sh. Aden. This extreme political violence and wanton destruction of human life and property should be condemned by every right-minded citizen of Somalia and the representatives of our international partners on the ground.
Presented below is a verbatim transcription of a viral video containing a statement by a traditional elder and Nabadoon (peacemaker) of the Marehan clan in Gedo region, Maxamad Cabdullaahi Xirsi (pronounced as Mahamed Abdullahi Hirsi). The statement is so relevant to Mr. Farmaaja's revival of militarism and his roguish behaviour everywhere that I decided to fully transcribe it, word for word.
Our country has gained independence some 60 years ago. That was in 1960, AKA the Year of Africa, which brought about the independence of seventeen African nations, including Somalia. The so-called post war 'wind of change' was blowing through Africa at the time, signalling the end of colonial rule.
This is day eight of an elected incumbent subverting democracy in Somalia, after his term ended. An incumbent takeover occurs when a democratically elected leader undermines key tenets of democracy, most often by abolishing or manipulating elections.
After four years of lies, distortions, half-truths and autocratic rule by the Farmaaja regime, it is now clear that our country is transitioning into a dictatorship rather than democracy or a peaceful transition of power. As I said before, the new dictatorship, like its predecessor, shall not be the so-called 'dictatorship of the proletariat' à la Marxist philosophy. It will be a clan dictatorship as long as Lewis's famous dictum remains supreme in Somalia - "the most all-pervasive element in politics remained the loyalty of the individual to his kin and clan."
We, in this campaign, were deeply saddened to learn of the deaths and injuries of innocent Somali people in yesterday's terrorist attack on Hotel Afrique near KM Four in Mogadishu. We strongly condemn their murder by al-Shabaab terrorists and offer sincere condolences to their families. General Mohamed Nur Galaal, a Somali military hero of great renown, and considered one of the SNA's old-time top-flight generals was among the casualties of this barbaric slaughter.
‘A government at war with its own people: testimonies about the killings and the conflict in the north' was a report published in 1990 by the then Africa Watch, later to become part of the bigger Human Rights Watch. Other significant reports current at the time included United States General Accounting Office Report to Congressional Requesters, entitled ‘Somalia: Observations Regarding the Northern Conflict and Resulting Conditions' published in May 1989; and ‘Why Somalis Flee: Synthesis of Accounts of Conflict Experience in Northern Somalia by Somali Refugees, Displaced Persons, and Others' by Robert Gersony, U.S. Department of State, August 1989.
This is the first of a series of essays aimed to warn off people about the impending peril of a new dictatorship and to put forth ideas for organizing strong resistance against the Farmaajo regime. When the issues at stake are fundamental, affecting principles of human freedom and democracy or the political and constitutional development of our country, negotiations do not provide a way of reaching a mutually satisfactory solution with a man intent on becoming a dictator.
The joint press statement issued by International Partners of Somalia yesterday reconfirms the principle of genuine democratic elections, the free (but currently indirect) expression of whose will provides the basis for the authority and legitimacy of government.
Yesterday's announcement that the FGS will go ahead with the 2021 elections with no resolution to the continuing electoral crisis and no reference to two FMSs, Puntland and Jubbaland, and the political opposition takes us much closer to the violent collapse of the nascent institutions.
Part II constitutes a verbatim transcription of a viral video containing a statement by a traditional elder and Nabadoon (peacemaker) of the Marehan clan in Gedo region, Maxamad Cabdullaahi Xirsi (pronounced as Mahamed Abdullahi Hirsi). This video statement is so relevant to Mr. Farmaaja's revival of militarism and his government's roguish behaviour everywhere that I decided to fully transcribe it, word for word.
The clock is ticking for Somali leaders of every political hue and the international community to come together at once to confront Mr. Farmaajo in order to prevent the return of the sounds, smells, depredations, and the scenes of inhuman acts that were commonplace in the streets of Mogadishu back in the 1990s.
This is my analysis of Part 1 and a miscellany of fascinating exchanges at this year's Somalia Partnership Forum (SPF) which took place last Monday, 7th Dec. 2020, in Mogadishu.
Three courageous individuals have this week aptly countered President Farmaaja’s propaganda campaign which is based on deliberate efforts to mislead the public concerning the electoral process. The truth shone out of their words and Mr Farmaajo would be well advised to heed the moral of their stories.
Brothers & Sisters, Asssalaamu caleykum wa raxmatullaah wa barakaatuhu.
Our country has gained independence some 60 years ago. That was in 1960, AKA the Year of Africa, which brought about the independence of seventeen African nations, including Somalia. The so-called post war 'wind of change' was blowing through Africa at the time, signalling the end of colonial rule. The Somali people were part and parcel of that African movement that not only ended colonial rule in Africa by European powers but also brought about the move towards independence and self-determination.
That presidential aspirants have a role to play is a truism. Getting beyond truisms means answering more important questions: how can we ensure that the elections are truly transformative; that the process is free, fair and transparent so that electors will choose their MPs, and MPs choose the President who (together with the MPs themselves) will govern the country for the next four years.
A statement by the Governor of Benadir region, who is also the Mayor of Mogadishu, Cumar Maxamuud Maxamad (Cumar Filish) captured on video yesterday afternoon in Mogadishu must be condemned in the strongest terms possible by all political, civic and religious leaders in our country. I would even go further to say that this gentleman must be sacked from his job as he has clearly violated the professional ethics and principles of neutrality that public servants are required to adhere to by our laws and the Constitution.
It is an honour to share some thoughts about Dr Aweys Omar Mohamoud's very important and liberating ideas for state-building, now that he has formally decided to put his name forward as a Candidate for President of the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) in the up-coming elections.
To write this piece, I have read and considered the views contained in the following documents: 1) Faafin degdeg ah, 8 November 2020, the position and decision of 12 Presidential Candidates vis-à-vis their participation in the elections of 2020/2021; 2) the letter by the Speaker of the Upper House to the SRSG, Mr. James Swan, and the AU's SR, Mr. Francisco Madeira, dated 13 November 2020. I have also come across the views of various politicians, civil society leaders and ordinary citizens online, on the radio, and through social media.
Waxaa Sharaf weyn ii ah inaan idinla wadaago qaar ka mid ah afkaarta mugga weyn ee la xiriirta dib-u-dhiska qarannamida Soomaaliyeed ee uu wado Dr. Aweys Cumar Maxamuud, qaarkoodna uu horay usoo bandhigay, mar haddii uu go’aansaday inuu doorashada dhici doonta 2021 u tartamo xilka Madaxweynaha Jamhuuriyadda Federaalka Soomaaliya
Cover pages of ‘the strategies for the prevention of conflict, draught, and famine in Somalia’.strategies for the prevention of conflict, draught, and famine in Somalia
Photos of Dr. Aweys Omar Mohamoud’s Home Library
1. Dr A. S. Abbas, a Senior Citizen of Somalia and the UK, is a former Director General at the Ministry of Health, former Vice Minister of Health, international public health specialist, a long-time civic leader and peace activist.
1. Aweys Omar Mohamoud was born and bred in Aden Yabal, a district of Middle Shabelle region (ex regione di Benaadir) in 1960. He has completed his primary education there and, as things used to be in those days, moved to Mogadishu to undertake his post-primary education. After school, he trained as a health worker in one of the finest institutions of health-care training in Mogadishu at the time - The Health Personnel Training Institute (HPTI) near Ospedale Martini, and opposite the then British Embassy.
Several months ago, a not-so-complicated secret plan was afoot to have the lower house of parliament announce provisions to extend their term of office and that of the President. Supporters of President Farmaajo were saying so in private. At a public event, the current care-taker PM (a position not provided for in the constitution), Mr. Mahdi Guuleed (then a deputy PM), harangued MPs not to leave office unless a parliament elected by a one-person-one-vote (OPOV) election model was there to replace them, and to set that position by statute.
In response to each big question of politics, one must surely reply ''It depends.'' Valid answers depend on the context in which the political processes under study occur. They also depend on the context in terms of understandings built into the questions, the evidence available for answering the questions, and the actual operation of the political processes themselves.
In a game of 'who blinks first!' in Duusamareeb, the regional capital of Galmudug State, all five FMS leaders' faces were set in determination for two weeks on one thing only: to tell President Farmaajo to get off his high horse and accept that indirect elections are the only game in town to meet the deadline for holding the 2020/2021 elections which are baked into the country's constitutional framework.
In this article, we look at the coup d'état of 1969 whose regime lasted for over two decades, until January 1991. You can read part 1 of our brief historical reflections here.
The other topics to be covered in this series include ideas for reconciliation, and the need for a new leadership with great vision in 2021.
I have listened to a truly shocking statement recently made by a certain Mahdi Guuleed, Deputy Prime Minister of Farmaajo's adminstration, apparently speaking at an event organized for MPs supportive of his administration's recent shenanigans in parliament.
Sixty years ago this week, Somalia's march to independence began by the union of the former Trust Territory of Somalia under Italian administration and former British Somaliland.
President Farmaajo has had his moment of truth come to him face-to-face on Saturday, June 6, in parliament as MPs booed and hissed their disapproval when he started his speech at the opening of the last session of parliament before the anticipated elections later this year, and early next year.
This is a follow-up to my recent article here concerning President Farmaajo's perspective on his government's relations with Federal Member States (FMSs). Mr. Farmaajo sounded an angry man, crying out for vengeance.
You can read parts 1 and 2 here, as well as the full transcript of the interview in Somali. In part 3, I discuss one of the main themes that emerged from the interview which was the President's perspective on relations with FMSs. Here is what he said on the subject followed by my comments:
Welcome to part 2 of an English transcript of President Farmaajo's Addis Ababa interview, with critical commentary. You can read part 1 here. Part 2 has become a compendium of Al Shabaab's ghastly atrocities against the Somali people under President Farmaajo's watch.
Let me preface this piece by first mentioning that I have worked in Somalia for most of the past three years, mainly as an advisor to the FGS while living among ordinary folk in Mogadishu
Welcome to part 1 of an English transcript of President Farmaajo's recent interview in Addis Ababa, with critical commentary. The interview itself was conducted in Somali.
The election of new leaders has been hailed as a great step forward by both the Somali people, and their supporters in the international community. The latter's role has been to support the creation of formal political institutions, i.e., signing of agreements, drafting a constitution, and holding elections.
To the hundreds of thousands of Somali dead and wounded, to their families, and to the entire Somali Nation - all victims of tragic and diabolical civil war, famine, and foreign intervention.